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REMARKS 



HON. S. CARUTHERS, OF MO, 

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IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 9, 1856, 

On the election of Speaker and the organization of the House of Repre- 
sentatives. 




Mr. CARUTHERS said : 

Mr. Clerk: I do not desire to address the House at any lengtli. All the 
points to which I would like to attract general attention could not he fairly set 
ibrth under the ten-minute rule. I have sought the floor now for the purpose 
simply of explaining why I have not and cannot act with my colleague, 
[Mr. Kennett,] who has so kindly made allusion to my position. To explain 
why I have acted as I have in voting for the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. 
Richardson] would require, I repeat, longer than the time allotted to each 
member under the order of the House. I shall seek some other opportunity 
to set myself fairly and fully before the House — I will not say, in fashionable 
phrase, and before the country, for perhaps the country would take no note 
, of what I do — but before the Ilouse and the people of my district. 

I desire to state at this time, and in the present connection, in order that 
ifthat I may remark may go out with the observations of my colleague and 
friend — and 1 am proud to call him such — the reasons why I have not, do 
not, and never will, vote for the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania, 
[Mr. Henry M. Fuller.] I could not vote for BIr. Fuller — and 1 believe 
that we are allowed to call members by their proper names before the organi- 
zation — because, while a member of the last Congress, I knew, and now 
remember, that throughout the Kansas-Nebraska fight, in every stage of that 
trying contest, his predecessor, the Hon. Hendrick B, Wright, stood fast by 
us — was one of us ; and, sir, before 1 had cast a vote I found that the distin- 
guished gentleman from Pennsylvania [^Ir. Fuller] had come here as his 
successor from a Democratic district, and because of his triumph over Mr. 
Wright in consequence of his vote on the Kansas-Nebraska bill at the last 
session. I could not vote for him, then, on the first vote. When the first 



E434 

vote was taking, I watched its progress, because many of the gentlemen with 
whom I was previously associated were disposed to vote for Mr. Fuller. In 
that verv first vote, when we were casting our votes for the purpose of making 
up a record, and when he had the entire House from which to select, I saw 
that gentleman throw his suffrage for Mr. Pennington, of New Jersey. I 
remembered then, that at the last Congress Mr. Pennington had voted to 
suspend the rules with a view of affording Mr. Eliot, of Massachusetts, an 
opportunity to introduce a bill-to repeal the fugitive slave law. 

When jMr. Fuller could take a northern or a southern man — when he 
could select a conservative man for whom to cast his vote — I saw him vote 
for a man who had been in favor of allowing the privilege to introduce a bill 
to repeal the fugitive slave Law. I could not vote for him. Mr. Pennington, 
on that vote, voted for Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, a gentleman, by-the-by, for 
whom I entertain, as he knows, the most profound respect personally, but 
whom I regard as the embodiment of northern sentiment on the slavery ques- 
tion. Another vote was liad. Mr. Fuller voted for IMr. Pennington ; and 
Mr. Pennington, on the third vote, voted for Mr. Banks, of IMassachusetts, 
who is not only the embodiment of FrecrSoil Democracy, but, it seems, also of 
northern Americanism and of ultra northern Republicanism. Mr. Pennington 
voted for Mr. Banks upon that ballot, and Mr. Fuller voted for Mr. Pen- 
nington after he had voted for Mr. Banks, and for sixteen times. I sat in 
my seat and saw Mr. Fuller, after jMr. Pennington had voted for Mr. 
Campbell and IMr. Banks, cast his vote sixteen times for Mr. Pennington. 
Could I, sir, as true to the principles of the Nebraska bill, upon which I was 
elected — as true to the State to which I owe allegiance — as true to the con- 
stituents who sent me here upon the Nebraska issue — could I vote for a man 
with such a record as that? 

But it is said that Mr. Fuller has made declarations here that entitle him 
to all respect, and to southern votes. Sir, Mr. Fuller did make declarations 
here, and in the course of those eloquent declarations he announced some 
doctrines in which I heartily concur ; and when I state that I return to him, 
for the announcement of those doctrines, my sincere thanks, I do not do it iu 
any idle spirit of compliment ; I do it because I appreciate the high motives 
of the distinguished gentleman, and 1 return him those thanks in the same 
good faitli in which 1 assail those things in his course of which I disapprove. 
Well, sir, Mr. Fuller, in the course of the explanations which he thought 
proper to make, was asked by Mr. Sage, of New York, whether, if it were 
possible that that part of the Kansas-Nebraska bill which repealed the Mis- 
souri compromise should be itself repealed, he would be in favor of it? I do 
not pretend to give the precise language in which the question was couched — 
for I have been called into this discussion unexpectedly — but I give the sub- 
stance of it. What was his reply to that question? I call upon southern 
gentlemen — and, as I have been thus incidentally arraigned by one of my 
colleao-ues, I call upon him — to notice what that answer was. Was it that 
the stands upon the same principle that we do ? Was it that he believed that 
he principle of non-intervention, as established by the Nebraska-Kansas bill,. 



was true and just ? Was that the reply he gave to the gentleman from New 
York? Not one ward of it! I heard it, and marked it well, and upon it 
rests my eternal opposition to his election as Speaker. He replied that he 
was in favor of the restoration of the Missouri restriction ; that if he had been 
in the last Congress, he would have been opposed to the Kansas-Nebraska 
bill ; and that he was in favor of restoring the Missouri restriction, if it could 
be done ; but as it could not be done, as a practical statesman, he was against 
all agitation. This may suit other gentlemen ; it does not suit me. I want 
a man who cooperates with me to stand upon some principle upon which I 
can meet him. • 

The principles of the Kansas-Nebraska bill are right, or they are wrong. 
If they are right, those of us who sustained that bill acted rightly. If they 
are \vrong, we acted wrongly. If it was right to repeal the Missouri com- 
promise, then that repeal should stand. If it was wrong, he is a coward who 
declares it wrong and does not declare for restoring it. [Loud applause on 
the floor.] 

Mr. Cox, (interrupting.) Will the gentleman allow me to ask him a ques- 
tion ? [Loud cries of *'• Oh, no !"] The gentleman has stated the reasons 
why he cannot cooperate with those who are voting for Mr. Fuller. I 
would like him to tell me if there is no gentleman in the House who has 
heretofore agreed with him in sentiment as a AVhig, for whom he could have 
voted for Speaker? and why it was that when my colleague from the Louis- 
ville district, [Mv. Humphrey Marshall,] who, is not obnoxious to the 
charges he brings against Mr. Fuller, was voted for by the American party, 
he would not support him, or some other gentleman of the American party ? 

The Clerk. The Clerk must remind the gentleman from Missouri that 
his time has expired. [Loud and general cries of •• Go on !"] The gentle- 
man can proceed, if no objection be made. 
No objection was made. 

Mr. Cakuthers, (resuming.) Well, sir, I might make several answers to 
the gentleman from Kentucky, who comes in sidewa3's. [A laugh.] In the 
first place, I might say that his question has no relation whatever to the line 
of argument I was on when he interrupted me; but my respect and my 
unfeigned kindly feeling towards that gentleman induce me to ai^swer him in 
a dilferent way. He asks me if there is no Whig in all this House for whom 
I might have voted instead of for i\Ir. Richardson. I understand him to 

arraign me for that vote. Sir, I will defend that vote 

Mr. Cox, (interrupting.) No, sir; you misunderstood me. 
Mr. Caruthers. The gentleman asks me if there is no Whig for whom I 
might have voted. I tell him there is no Whig — none, sir. i\Ir. Humphrey 
Marshall, who was first voted for by the'' South Americans," as they have 
been called, is no Whig. Do you tell me that a Know Nothing is a Whig? 
[Loud laugiiter, and much applause on the floor and in the galleries.] Why, 
sir, (turning to xMr. Cox,) the Philadelphia convention of last year, in their 
])latform, which you have been swearing by ever since you have been a 
member of this Congress, declared that both the old parties — the Democratic 



and the Wiiig — were so corrupt, that such pure gentlemen as they were could 
not act with them ; and yet you arraign me as a Whig for not having voted 
for Mr, Humphrey Marshall, of Kentucky ! * 

Mr. Cox. No, sir; I did not arraign you at all. 

Mr. Caruthers. Well, I understood you to say so. but I will take back 
the word "arraign." 

IMr. Cox. My remarks were not intended to arraign the gentleman's 
motives. I have no doubt in the world that a gentleman who is able to dis- 
cover the front doors and the side doors by which gentlemen enter to ask a 
civil and respectful question here, will always so conduct himself as to have 
no difficulty upon the subject of arraignments before his country. 

Mr. Caruthers. Does the gentleman want to make a speech, or to ask 
a question ? 

Mr. Cox. I want to make a suggestion. You have plenty of time. The 
House has given you leave to go on. 

Mr. Caruthers. Yes, and I thank the House for that. 

Mr. Cox. The gentleman says that there is no Whig upon this floor for 
whom he could vote ; that that party is broken up ; and that I have said so. 

Mr. Caruthers. No, sir. 

Mr. Cox. I understand the gentleman to say that 1 had sworn that it was 
broken up, and that I could not cooperate with it. I will not go into a dis- 
cussion of that subject ; but I will ask the gentleman where the Whig party 
is ? He professes to be a Whig, and yet is acting with the Democratic party, 
on the declaration that the Democratic party must succeed, or the country 
will go to ruin. That is the meaning of it ; and he, professing to be a Whig, 
seems to be casting a reflection upon me because I professed there was no 
Whig party. 

Mr. Caruthers. Not at all. 

Mr. Cox. I should like to know where the'Whig party is. I want the 
gentleman to come to the point, and tell me where it is. My friend from 
Missouri has been a Whig all the time, and I want him to tell me, as he can, 
-where the Whig party is in this House. 

Mr. Caruthers. I was very unfortunate in my remarks, if I may judge 
of it by the manner in which the gentleman from Kentucky understood me. 
He asks me why it was that 1, elected as a Whig, had voted for a Democratic 
candidate for Speaker upon the first ballot? In that connection, I understood 
him to ask me why I had not voted for his distinguished colleague. 1 reply 
to him that I could be under no obligation, as a NVhig, to vote for his distin- 
guished colleague, for he indorsed a platform w hich expressly repudiated not 
only the Democratic party, but the Whig party. I could be under no obliga- 
tion to vote for him, as this American party was founded upon the ruin of both 
the others. The idea of the language, which I have not before me, is, that 
the party is established upon the corruption of both. [Laughter.] I am cor- 
rected, Mr. Clerk, by some gentleman near me. I am informed that the 
language is, that the American party was established upon the ruin of both 
the other parties, and both were ruined by their corruptions. [Laughter.] 



o 

Now to the question of the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. Cox.] He 
asks me how I, professing to be a Whig, could do so and so. There he 
touches me. I have been a Whig from my boyhood ; and I tell that gentle- 
man that, when I first became an aspirant for political station in the district 
which I have the honor to represent, that district was Democratic by four 
thousand majority ; and I tell him, as my people well know, that in all the 
contests in my district I never abated one particle of my Whig devotion ; and 
I never went into the political field to engage in a fight but what I carried the 
Whig banner openly, and proclaimed my love for its principles. I came here, 
tlien, as a Whig. 

The gentleman asks me where the Whig party is. I might tell him there 
was one Pythagoras, who entertained the doctrine of the transmigration of 
souls, and that when the Whig party died the soul of that party went into the 
present Democratic party. [Great laughter.] I saw during the last summer 
a great field of fight opened, and we were calm lookers-on. I looked over the 
whole field then for a Whio; banner. I looked to frallant, frlorious Tennessee. 
I saw no Whig banner there. In that canvass for Governor there was no 
Whig candidate — no man carrying the Whig colors. Casting my eyes from 
Tennessee, I looked over to the State from which the gentleman himself hails — 
to noble, reverend Kentucky. What did I see there ? The old banner under 
which I had rallied from the days of my childhood, and which had ever been 
borne aloft by her gallant son — where was it ? It was trailing ingloriously. 
And when you had laid down that banner upon the grave of Clay, could I 
believe that the "Whig party still existed ? Sir, I did not believe it. If you 
could take down that banner, and fold it quietly over the grave of that immor- 
tal patriot and statesman — the firet statesman of his times, the most eloquent 
man of any age, and the greatest party leader of all the world — and he could 
rest well under it, could I believe that the Whig party was still alive ? Sir, 
do you believe it is dead ? 

Mr. Cox. Does the gentleman desire an answer? 
Mr. Caruthers. Certainly. 

Mr. Cox. The gentleman says that w hen he took the stump in his district, 
he took it as a Whig, though there \\'as a majority of four thousand Democrats 
against him ; that he advocated Whig principles, and led his opponents over 
into his ranks. 

Mr. Caruthers. I did not say I led tiiem into the Whig ranks. 
Mr. Cox. But they voted for the gentleman, proclaiming hiniself a Whig, 
and rallied under his banner as a VV^hig, and went with him into tlie Whig 
party, at any rate. 

Mr. Caruthers. I protest, in all kindness, against any language being 
put into my mouth. I said that when I first became an aspirant for congres- 
sional honors, there were four thousand majority against me. I said I never 
struck the Whig flag in my district. 

Mr. Cox. 1 understood the gentleman as I said. 

Mr. Caruthers. If the gentleman pretends to say what I said, le* him 
say what I did say. 



6 

Mr. Cox. I said the majority had changed their position from the Demo- 
cratic ranks, and had followed a Whig leader. 

Mr. Caruthers. That is what you say. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Cox. He says the Whig party is dead, and has gone back to the 
Democratic ranks, I understand he considers that the Whig party "marched 
up the hill, and then marched down again." 

Mr. Caruthers. Mr. Clerk, if there be anything in this interruption, 
except so far as relates to my constituents, I should not, perhaps, devote any 
time to it. A few words, however, are due to my constituents, as well as to 
myself; for I do not wish to set myself up as an extraordinary champion, or 
grand leader, or anything of the kind. I think the House will bear me wit- 
ness that, during the two years I have been a member of it, 1 have never 
spoken perhaps four times ; never even called for the yeas and nays, [laugh- 
ter;] never made a motion to adjourn. [Continued laughter.] They will 
bear me witness, I think, that I never showed any loud disposition to " get 
myself on the record ;" for I thought that gentlemen would get more honor 
and more credit by keeping ofF the record, nine out of ten times, than they 
get by keeping on it. [Laughter.] I therefore claim no credit for any extra- 
ordinary modesty in that matter. It was on principle I acted. 

But the point which I wish to reach is this : The gentleman from Ken- 
tucky [Mr. Cox] seemed to think that I must imagine myself an immortal 
leader, from the fact of my having started out, as I said I did start, against a 
majority of from three thousand five hundred to four thousand, and of my having 
overcome that majority without striking the banner of tlie Whig party. Well, 
the first time I came here I beat them, or else I would not have been here. 
[Laughter.] And I will tell you how I beat them, Mr. Clerk. There were 
three Democrats running. [Roars of laughter.] I am not very vain about 
that. But I have come here twice. Well, the fact of my coming here the 
second time was due — I believe in my heart — to this simple reason, that in the 
last Congress I had so reflected the will of my constituents, and had so borne 
myself on all those great measures in which they were interested, that they- 
concluded in their heaj'ts — and 1 say, from that spirit of frankness with which 
I am dealing in all this subject, that 1 believe they were right [roars of laugh- 
ter] — they concluded in their hearts, I say, that there was no man in that 
district who could better reflect their will and who would represent them more 
faithfully than L And so they run only one man against me that time, and I 
beat him by two thousand five hundred votes ; and the wonder has been to 
me ever since that I did not beat him by five thousand votes. [Renewed 
laughter.] Has the gentleman [Mr. Cox] any more questions to put to me? 
[Laughter.] 

Mr. Clerk, I have been drawn into the most of this matter. I only rose to 
tell you — and to speak seriously upon tliat — why I have not voted for the 
distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Fuller.] But I was hur- 
ried up by this ten-minute rule ; and as I had so very seldom appeared before 
the House, and did not know anything about the disposition of the gentlemen 
toward me, I did not suppose they would allow me to go on, as 1 saw they 



were disposed to crush down modest men ; and so I hurried on. But here is 
what I want to say seriously in this connection : that if I said one word in 
explaining the reason why I did not and could not vote for Mr. Fulltl:^ 
which could be at all disagreeable to the nicest sensibilities of that gentleman, 
I wish now, without being called upon, to recall that word. I honor him ior 
the position which he has taken when, he says here in his place that he would 
vote for the admission of States into this Union without regard to the fact 
of whether it was a slave State or a free. I honor him for that declaration. 
I tell him that, thus far, he is my political brother. When he preaches a 
sermon to these anti-Nebraska men, about whom we hear so much, and tells 
them that it is unpatriotic to continue this agitation, I give him the right hand 
of fellowship, and tell him that there, too, he is my brother. But when he 
tells me that, if he could — that is, if the Senate and President were not against 
him — he would restore that Missouri restriction, I tell him that there we are 
at war — at a war to be' without end. 1 vote for no man who is not content to 
leave all these questions of slavery on the great doctrine of non-intervention. 
I vote for no man, Mr. Clerk, who will not give to the people of the Terri- 
tory — to the people to be affected by it — to the people who go from your 
States, where they have rights, into your Territories, where they lose none of 
those rights — the rights of self-government. I vote for no man who will not 
recognize in the government of the Territories the great doctrine on v/hich 
your whole Government rests — the doctrine that the people are capable of 
self-government, and tliat the people are the best governors of themselves. 
Holding these doctrines, I could not vote for Mr. Fuller. 

I will answer another branch of the question at another time, when I can 
do so without trespassing on the patience of the House. I will then explain 
why I have voted for Mr. Richardson. And I now promise the gentleman 
who asked me that question, that when I make that explanation, I will make 
it satisfactory even to him. I know that it will be fully satisfactory to those 
to whom I owe allegiance. I have no fears of that. I take no course which 
I cannot defend, or for which, in my own judgment and in my own heart, I 
have not a good defense. So 1 have no fears. And when I am taunted — as I 
have been taunted — that my course here will ruin me at home, I have only 
this to say — and 1 say it without boasting — I say it because it is true — that, 
so help me God, while I am a member of this House, I will speak no word, I 
will give no vote, in order to secure a reelection here — never! Pleasant as 
the gentlemen are who are around me, there is nothing in all the fascination 
of political life here which would make me -sacrifice one portion of my duty to 
the people who have honored me by sending me here, much less is there any- 
thing in all this life which would make me sacrifice one portion of my self- 
respect. I prize highly — 1 prize as highly, perhaps, as any man does, or as 
any man should do — the approbation of my constituents ; but I have this to 
say to them, that I am here as their agent, not as their slave ; that I am here 
to vote according to my conscientious convictions of right, and that I will so 
give my votes ; that whenever they are not satisfied with these votes, they 
have an easy remedy. Let them just send some man here who will vote 



8 t,!^^^^^ °^ CONGRESS 




according to their notions of voting, and I c; i f 1 1| ^^"'® 

to my profession ; I can retire to my family lili)ill|j||i|^ ^]"^' 

But, sir, while I am their Representative, I 011 897 866 3 • 
and in deed. I shall vote what I choose to vote; t bua.x ,^_ . "^ ▼ ;mto 
be rioht and fit. I know my people better than others know them; and I 
know they will indorse my vote — indorse, because they well know that I 
would not deal falsely with them. I forbear now to give the reasons why I 
have voted, and shall continue to vote, for Mr. Richardson, but I promise to 
give them in due time. 

[Cries of " Call the roll ! "] 



Printed at the Congressional Globe Office. 



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L'BRARV OF rnN,^ 



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